zaterdag 22 juli 2017

The G20 in Hamburg: Welcome to Hell!


Many people were surprised by the severe resistance against the G20 summit in Hamburg. This led to many discussions within anti-capitalist circles. In the run-up to the G20 the system media already warned for the arrival of more than 150.000 protesters, of which according to estimates of the coppers 8000 would be prepared to use violence. Some observers of the ACN/AKN travelled to Hamburg to report.

The day in advance of the G20 summit the police chief Hartmut Dudde* already informed his troops of a change of course: the coppers would follow a hard, repressive line. There was no option of a deescalation strategy. Dudde beforehand, chose for a confrontation with the protesters.


Although the initial protests against the G20 remained peaceful, they escalated Thursday at night during the “Welcome to Hell” demonstration in Hamburger-Hafen. According to the system media the coppers wanted to disband the protest, because some protesters refused to take down their facial covers. In practice the 12.000 protesters didn't get a chance to participate with the demands of the coppers. The coppers immediately confronted and attacked the protesters in an attempt to isolate about 1.000 autonomen from the rest of the protest. Despite the efforts to contain these protesters, several groups were able to break out of the police chain to spread out in the neighborhood of Sternschanzen. Here in the streets it deteriorated into a battle field: expensive cars were burned out; there was  much smoke in the streets and above because of burning objects and barricades; robocops in the streets; excessive use of violence, teargas and water cannons by the coppers.


This violent escalation marked the mood for the coming days. Friday was also the scene of an unprecedented repression by the coppers. Sternschanzen was hermetically sealed off, heavy armed special units (SEK) were deployed and extra reinforcements were called in (despite an already 20.000 officers (!) strong force). The neighborhood St. Pauli was still somewhat accessible and became the scene of several 'protest' parties, spontaneous protests and short cat-and-mouse games with the coppers. Saturday the events would end with a bourgeois mass demonstration, in which over 200.000 people made a fist against the G20. The protest itself was mostly peaceful, but once again ended in provocations by the coppers. However, the intense resistance of the previous days abstained.


The decision of bundeskanzler Merkel to organize the G20 summit in the left wing bulwark Hamburg proved to be a game of party politics. In reaction to the violence the system media claimed the “left” should take responsibility for the events in Hamburg. Fingers were mostly pointed at the reformist and bourgeois “left” parties (SPD, Die Grünen and Die Linke). Only 'Die Linke' dared to condemn the excessive police violence, but soon recalled this declaration, to join in with the rest of the bourgeoisie. In the Netherlands we saw a similar response with the reformists from the SP, where Emile Roemer also condemned the violence surrounding the G20 (he remained surprisingly silent about the police violence).


There were also discussions in the radical-left scene about the violence surrounding the protests against the G20. Some embraced the riots and didn't want to discredit the spontaneity of the actions. Others condemned the so-called 'senseless riots' and 'a-political violence'. Andreas Blechsmidt - representative of the Rote Flora - (rightly so) pointed the finger towards the policy of the police on Thursday. Not the Black Bloc, but the coppers were guilty of the violence. Still, he distanced himself from the vandalism in Schanzenviertel. A logic statement considering the Rote Flora depends on a good relation with the neighborhood, which provides back cover for its activities there. Remarkably enough Blechsmidt could count on acclamation of the system media (and a local group of enterprises): The vandalism and plunder had to be the work of South-Europeans (Greek, Italian, Spanish and French protesters), who were not conscious about the relations in the neighborhood. Or, they simply saw everything German as a legitimate target (because German imperialism is for most part responsible for the economic excavations of the weak economies of Southern-Europe, which caused much grudge).


Also, within the nationalist scene the events in Hamburg provoked many reactions. A significant part displayed itself once again as being arch-reactionary: “Hamburg would have been hostage of an organized anarchist terrorism!” The hooligans of HoGeSa called “to take back control over the city!” - a clandestine call to attack anti-G20 protesters together with the coppers. The usual right wing elements were on the forefront to cry along with the howling wolfs of the bourgeoisie, and condemned “the rioters who destroyed the private property of the working class [really ???].” The Dutch ACN/AKN collective takes a far distance from any of these kinds of reactionary elements (also within the international ACN-relations!). The targeted actions against the G20, its infrastructure and its security (the coppers), would never have been possible without spontaneous 'riots' and temporary rebellion. Therefore, it is useless to connect these events to some kind of misplaced ethical philosophy, let alone uncritically parroting the system media and bourgeoisie!


LET THE REACTIONARY HOUNDS BARK! 

THE REVOLUTIONARY CARAVAN GOES FORTH!

HAMBURG: >>KRIEG BEGINT HIER!<< - “HURRA! EURE WELT GEHT UNTER!”




Note: * Hartmut Dudde has a long history as chief in command of police violence. On the eve of the 21st of December 2013, Dudde already tried to stop an autonomous demonstration. This succeeded after just 200 meters. However, it then completetely escalated: stones flew, water cannons were deployed and there were hundreds of wounded on both sides. The system media described it as a “battlefield”, one of the biggest confrontations Hamburg had seen in a long while. Days after the incident there were stil parts of the city that were declared 'no-go areas'. 






woensdag 19 juli 2017

In the spirit of the SA: Towards a Revolutionary National Socialism!


National socialism was, contrary to what is commonly believed, never a movement of the right. It strove for a sincere and authentic German socialism. Traditionally, the left in Germany never pursued the interests of the German people. With the defeat of the German empire in 1918 this once more became painfully evident. The first World War exposed the vulnerable position of the nation as a 'Mittellage' between its French arch-enemy on the one hand and the Russian empire on the other. From the West, the Anglo-Saxon liberal democracy tried to integrate Germany, in the form of the Weimar Republic, into their liberal democratic world order. At the same time from the East, Germany was threatened by the communist world revolution of Moscow. The East gained influence through the presence of a strong communist party, the KPD, which acted as a promising vassal for Moscow.

National Socialism was born in this political climate in 1920, as an attempt to create an authentic German völkisch-socialism. As the name national socialism already suggests, this movement had a double complementary identity; the unification of the ideal of nationalism and that of socialism. However, in political practice this appeared to be rather controversial, because a convinced socialist worker party cannot do anything else than focusing on the working class and forging alliances with worker movements. On the other hand, a primary nationalist party is expected to address the people as a whole, forging alliances with right wing political and social formations. A certain schizophrenia stems from this, which led to tensions within the movement.


North-West against South

As the strong man of the movement, it was Hitler who determined the course of the NSDAP. From the start, he tried to take a neutral centrist position by acknowledging the socialism of the party, but denying its proletarian class character. Still, this was not enough to prevent the buildup of regular tensions between the national and the social camps. Especially the period between the failed national socialist coup of 1923 and the take over of power in 1933, the movement was a scene of violent principled conflicts about the course of the party. During many occasions the party militia, the Sturm Abteilung (SA), was in the middle of these conflicts. Besides this, there was a cultural gap that spread straight through the party. This gap revealed itself in 1925 as a contradiction between the old Southern gravity point of the NSDAP and the leadership of the movement in the industrial West and North of Germany.

Inside the West and North German movement, Joseph Goebbels and the Strasser brothers proved to be the biggest rivals of Munich. It was Gregor Strasser who developed a socialist alternative, devised in a revolutionary adaption of the NSDAP program. Since the beginning of his career, he already proved to be a sincere anti capitalist. He understood very well that the industrial North of Germany required a different approach than the rural and traditional South. He was supported in this by a young Joseph Goebbels, who stated that the German nationalism had to develop into a German socialism - and this was supposed to be a radical socialism. He openly sought alliances with the national-bolshevists and was quite positive about the communists, whose biggest mistake according to him was their connection to Moscow. This controversy got a political charge when Strasser and Goebbels openly presented their revolutionary program. However, under strong pressure from Hitler and the party leadership in Munich, Strasser caved and withdrew the copies of his program. Afterwards the ideological discussion in the party leadership was silenced.



1926: Strasser and Goebbels in Berlin


The Sturm Abteilung

For the SA this wasn’t the case. National socialism stemmed from the soldiers revolt that followed the defeat of the German empire. Many members in the party were veterans from the many Freikorps and other paramilitary organizations in the country, who in this uncertain times upheld order on their own. In a sense they simply continued the war, spirited by a deep desire for community, fellowship and equality. This was the breeding ground for a renewed believe in the national cause and a more egalitarian society - a militant nationalism connected to a radical socialism. With the SA the NSDAP created its revolutionary vanguard, that was to embody what the movement was meant to be: a revolutionary combat group, with unconditional loyalty to the Führer.

Although the SA was officially subordinate to the party leadership, tendencies towards independence arose on several occasions. This commenced from the proletarian make up of the SA, whose militants were inclined to more revolutionary and radical actions. In many occasions the militia developed its own ideological preferences. When Hitler (in 1923 after the failed putsch) was sentenced to prison, Röhm let the SA 'submerge' into a new combat group. When Hitler was released from prison and tried to claim the highest authority back, Röhm was an inconvenience. It wasn’t until the end of 1926 that Hitler was able to replace Röhm with a more compliant commander. However, this didn’t solve the tensions between the party and the militia.

The revolutionary profile of the SA became strengthened throughout the following years by a steady influx of workers. The SA presented itself as the vanguard of the proletariat, and as such knew a huge influx of new members. During the economic depression that started in 1929, the membership rose from 10.000 members to 300.000 members in less than three years. There was also great discontent among the members of this militia because of the huge electoral victory during the Reichstag-elections. This electoral victory led the party leadership to openly embrace a legal way towards power and consensus politics. This was at odds with the SA who favored revolution, because of its class character, temperament and ideology.



SA men in a truck bearing the slogan: Be socialist in deed!


When in 1930 the head office of the party in Munich settled in an extremely prestigious and precious building, the SA demanded an improvement of its financial position. The common SA man had a very bad wage, but was obliged to do the dirty work for the party leadership. When this demand was not met, the SA stormed the head office of the party in Berlin and caused major damage there. As a consequence, Röhm was re-appointed to restrain the SA, but without much success. Walther Stennes, commander of the SA in Berlin, maintained his position that the legal course of Hitler equaled treason to the revolutionary spirit of national socialism. A rumor that Walther Stennes had been fired, was enough to unleash a SA revolt in the whole North- and West of Germany. During this revolt more and more SA men looked at the communist KPD as an example of a real workers party. Although this revolt took threatening shapes, the party leadership was able to appease the moods. However, in 1931 it once again sprung to a conflict, in which Stennes violently occupied the printers and offices of 'Der Angriff' in Berlin. The SS was deployed to get the occupiers out of these offices. Also notable, were the good relations between the SA and the Kampfgemeinschaft Revolutionärer Nationalsozialisten of Otto Strasser, who left the party with about 100 dissatisfied members under the slogan: “The socialist leave the party!”



Walther Stennes, Commander of the SA in Berlin


The Treason of 1934

While Hitler and the party leadership defended their choice for a legal conquest of power and profiled themselves as the moderate representatives of their movement, the radicalized proletarian support of the SA was ready to push the revolution by overthrowing capitalism. In 1933 the transfer of power from Paul von Hindenburg to Hitler took place. The representatives of big business had embraced Hitler’s appointment and even managed to get a place in the new cabinet.

This political lobbying behind closed doors and the collaboration with capitalists was a thorn in the eye of the SA. The SA started to deal with their political enemies, the hated bosses and bureaucrats, on the streets. Banks and corporations were attacked and the stock exchange in Frankfurt was occupied by a SA unit that demanded the resignation of the entire management. The militia wanted to push their revolution, but Hitler was far from delighted by these actions. During a mass manifestation of the SA in April, he thanked the militia in the name of the people and the nation. However, for the good listener a farewell could be heard.

The tensions between Hitler and the SA increased even more because of the ambitions of Röhm to predestine the SA as the new national army of the German empire. This made the Reichswehr feel threatened, and they started to put pressure on Hitler. Soon unconfirmed rumors were circulating that the SA had plans for a putsch, to get rid of the Reichswehr. In the night of 30 June to the 1st of July SS leaders Heinrich Himmler and Reinhard Heydrich seized the opportunity to behead the SA, thereby squashing their revolutionary aspirations. On this 'night of the long knives' 89 SA leaders were ambushed by SS units and executed. Shortly after the SA was shredded and shrunk, with which the last autonomous and revolutionary force in the national socialist movement disappeared. 



89 SA leaders are being executed in 1934




maandag 17 juli 2017

About the Urge for Deeds: Ernst Jünger and the Autonomen



"Rather to incinerate on the barricades of the revolution, than rotting away on the dung hill of democracy!"


Ernst Jünger would be very interested in the recent events surrounding the G20 in Hamburg. Brave warriors who fought without fear, against the ruling order in the light of burning barricades. During the first World War the then 27-years old national-revolutionary and Reichswehr officer Ernst Jünger wrote down a text in his diary, which - provided they would keep his name secret - could have counted on much consent among the autonome warriors in the Schanzenviertel.

The pamphlet of this anarch of German literature, who didn't want to call himself an anarchist because the term was hjijacked by the left,  is called "Struggle as an internal and engaging experience." In it Jünger criticizes "the society of the spoiled culture, which is divided in all its activity and lust." Only on the battlefields of the first World War Jünger could find salvation and overcome the compulsiveness of this ruling system. He wrote: "There [on the battlefield] man liberates himself in an orgy of ecstasy, when all around him collapses." 



He strives for the rediscovery of violence, because each attack on the foundations of the bourgeois culture, leads towards a spontaneous outburst of lust. In contradiction to his other works, this ecstasy of violence is not a plea for a new order or for the militarization of all aspects of life. Jünger’s only goal here, is a hedonist strive towards the ultimate fulfillment of the spirit; the struggle itself as the most intensive expression of human existence!

The link between Jünger’s pamphlet and the autonome "politics of the individual" is easily made. Not the people or the worker as social class is the starting point of political action, but an orientation on the self and the interest of direct co-warriors. Also in the glorification of violence and struggle, the autonomen have more in common with Jünger, then they would be willing to admit. The wellknown autonome slogan; "freedom is the short moment between throwing the stone and the stone hitting its goal", is very revealing in this context. Throwing a stone is not a means to overcome the system, but a deed of short-term individual liberation - in the eye of the actual inability to overthrow the ruling order.



Already in the '80's of the last century, the German social-psychologist Klaus Horn pointed out that in highly developed industrial societies public violence can give the illusion that man becomes active in the world again: it makes sure that the individual from the passive object of relations, becomes the active subject of the events. Horn’s dark prognosis is perfectly illustrated by the American movie 'Fight Club'. Brad Pitt as Tyler Durden states: "We are all consumers, waste products of the general lifestyle obsession." He directs these sentences to a nameless protagonist, played by Edward Norton. Durden’s answer to this desolate insight is a secret society of alienated men, who only feel alive when they hurt each other during ruthless fights in the basement of a bar. During the film this Fight Club develops into a disciplined and organized army, that attacks the public order - alienated persons in a state of war, who until the last second of salvation resiliently  fulfill their roles as rebel.


In this current pacifist and conformist society, the hedonist self-fulfillment through violence is once more elevated to the highest ideal. Jünger teaches us that in this sinking ship of globalism, pacifism will disappear. Jünger argues that passion, the irrational and instinctive force, will prove inexhaustible, even if it is occasional. His presentation of the struggle as the most intense and highest form of existence , will set us free from the oppressing chains of the established order!






zondag 16 oktober 2016

4th National Manifestation in Brussels: Two years of struggle against the Michel-government - Two years of combative illusions

It appeared official last Thursday: The social protest against the reactionary government-Michel I and its very worker-hostile austerity policies came to a dead end, because of the three big Belgian Unions.

“In 2014 the Union leaders made a mistake. They had to strike away the government. Though, because they did not let the government fall, they gave this weak and divided government a chance to increase the austerity policy”, the Linkse Socialist rightly wrote in a pamphlet to mobilize for the great manifestation of this day. However, they made the mistake to suggest that the Union leadership only made a mistake in tactics in regard to the struggle against the government, instead of making the masses aware of the fact that this was the deliberate aim of the Union leadership! The Union leadership wanted to canalize the anger of their organized basis through harmless protests and by letting it bleed to death. We can only come to the conclusion this has worked.

Dockers against the Michel-government

Once again the Pseudo-Left in Belgium has let themselves be fooled by the 'radical' language of the Union bosses: Marc Goblet (“far left” within the FGTB) called for the fall of the government by a general strike before the end of this year. Date of strike: 7 October.

However, in the De Standaard of the 22th of September we could already read that “the three big Unions had “canceled” their, for the 7th of October, planned strike” Only the ACV-Metal called for a strike anyway (in metal and textile - good for 200.000 workers). Other Unions would follow in other sectors with actions, but a general strike stayed off. Marc Leeman (ACV-boss) was confused by this: “What signal are we giving? We do not strike and we do strike. It is not very clear.” The CEO of the Federation of Belgian Enterprises, Pieter Timmermans, had not much hope left for a return to an “easier social climate” after the news of a general strike, but it is clear he can feel safe again.

Workers filled the streets as far as one could see

The De Tijd (29 September) wrote on the morning of the manifestation that “one of the many proposals, one by the N-VA, would be a second index jump”. “Nonetheless it would not apply to everybody, only for pensions and unemployment benefits...” The day after the Het Laatste Nieuws continued that the N-VA once again wanted to get rid of “the fiscal deduction of the Union membership fee and wanted to correctly tax the Union premium tax.” (The Union premium tax is a certain amount of money that the employer pays for his employees which are syndicalized) This open and provoking Union-bashing by the N-VA/MR-government will probably not flare up the protests against the government again.

In regard to the manifestation itself we must come to the conclusion that this time there was no opportunity for militant participants to get into a direct fight with Michel's police core on the Zuidlaan. Apparently the Union bureaucracy had gotten their orders from Jambon, by hermetically sealing of the Zuidlaan with barriers manned by the internal Union stewards, who acted as the “auxiliaries” of the cops. Because of this, the masses were not able to hang around at the end of the manifestation with a lack of speechers and music. The set-up of the cops and the Union bureaucracy was very successful: the most part of the militants went to the station to return straight home.

Pyrotechnics lightened at the barricaded Zuidstation

No, any form of militant protest or independent organization of the worker itself was once again stopped by the Union bosses. (Still some libertarian communists gave the headquarters of the PS and the office of B-post a nice 'makeover') Once again the Union bureaucracy had to let down the reformist left; it simply does what has been its function since 1914. Namely: Making sure that the capitalist production process keeps on functioning well. Keeping the class peace (between capital and wage labor) intact!

The PS office got a 'make over'



donderdag 26 mei 2016

Unions protest in Brussels - Firm confrontation with the Cops


Last Tuesday the 24th of May the Belgian workers movement (the "socialist" ABVV/FGTB, the christian ACV and the liberal ACLVB) organized a national manifestation in Brussels. Around 60.000 people gathered to protest against the austerity policy and reforms of the Michel-government. Special target of the manifestation was the Minister of Work, Kris Peeters, who wants to flexibilise the 38-hour working week (the so-called 'Loi Peeters', borrowed from the French 'Loi Travail/El-Khomri' and the very militant resistance against it).


A delegation of the ACN/AKN traveled to Brussels to join in on this protest. Not to join the usual circus of the union-bureaucracy, but to support the independent struggle of the workers. Although the whole demonstration was mostly orchestrated by the system-unions, the massive presence of disgruntled workers and activists proved the Belgium workers movement is alive and still has the potential to become a revolutionary force of interest. As long as they liberate themselves from the yoke of the reformist union- and party bosses! 



Thousands protestors fill the streets of Antwerp
 
 

The demonstration started with the usual walk through the city center towards the South station. Fireworks were, as is the tradition, ignited and along the way the RVA (employment service) and PS ("socialist" party) offices were besmirched with paint bombs. Notable was the absence of the dockers of Antwerp during this protest. Did they deliberately avoid this manifestation, because the unions helped to abolish the law Major? A combatant and excited atmosphere prevailed among the many protesters. The unions themselves had employed over a thousand security people to keep the manifestation under control.
 

KVA Office hit by paintbombs and smeared with graffiti

 
Arriving at the South station the protest turned grim in no time after the cops, under the threat of bat beatings and 6 (!) water canons, tried to push back the flocking crowd. A motley collection of workers, anarchists and local youth gave a proper response to this police provocation, by setting up an improvised blockade with several crush barriers. The coppers were treated with a rain of stones, pyrotechnics and bottles. During the short confrontation that followed, the police chief of Brussels, Pierre Vandermissen, was knocked down by a militant (there seems to be a trend throughout Europe, where militants deliberately target higher police cadres (-> targeted actions), such as in London in Nov. 2015, in Paris and in Nantes). In the fights that followed the cops were able to arrest several comrades.
 
Cops try to drive back protestors under the threat of bats and watercanons
 
Preparations for first charge
 
'Hero of the day' - Chief of Police goes K.O.
 
With the help of water canons the militants were pushed back under the bridges of the train tracks. Because of a lack of force and cover of the masses (most protesters went straight to the train station, once arrived at the endpoint - set-up of the unions?), this quickly turned into a stand off with the cops, where the stone throwing was from time to time answered by one of the water canons. The resurrection of some barricades proved useless, and more cops closed in on the protesters from three different sides, only leaving open a small gateway to the train station. After this it quickly came to a climax, where most protesters left towards the station.
 
 
Watercanons force back militants
 


 
Three cops were wounded during the confrontation. Eight protesters were injured by the police violence and another fifteen were arrested. The bourgeois press did what was expected of them, and used this confrontation caused by the cops to criminalize the entire manifestation. Instead of condemning the police violence, the reformists of the union bureaucracy were the first to put the blame on 'the anarchists'. It is clear that for these reformists the class struggle may only be waged within the boundaries that the capitalist order imposes!

 
Stand off with the cops
 
Militants set up barricades
 
Although this national manifestation was less massive and/or militant than its predecessors, all the signals for a hot summer are there. The coming months several actions, strikes and protests will be held against the scandalous austerity politics and reforms of the Michel-government. We will follow these events closely.

 

STOP THE AUSTERITY-POLITICS!
 
AWAY WITH THE BOURGEOIS MICHEL-GOVERNMENT!
 
BRING 'FRANCE' TO THE REST OF EUROPE!

 
 
 
 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 
 
 

 

 




woensdag 18 mei 2016

Refugee crisis? System crisis! - Plea for an entrism in the anti-Refugee Resistance


As national-revolutionaries we strive first and foremost for national and social liberation, by means of a revolution. Only in a situation of a severe systemcrisis this revolution could really succeed.  

Untill this time we need to use all current contradictions within the system and each form of discontent, in order to build revolutionary cadres and to realize a grounding in the masses.

Where there is discontent and unrest, there must be national-revolutionaries to stimulate and exploit this. By doing so we must not put forth our national-revolutionary message, but the concrete discontent, which on a longer term will turn into rebellion.   

Therefore we must reach towards the masses, because only through their participation we can overthrow the vested capitalist system. 

To do so national-revolutionaries must organize themselves within civilprotests and demonstrations, to transform these into happenings of rebellion and uprising!

An important instrument is it to -if needed undercover - infiltrate local civil initiatives and protests, in order to get into key-positions. Cultivate friendships, relations and built out a radical basis (with for instance local youth, footbal supporters, etc.). 

By our presence within civilprotests, demonstrations and other activities we can introduce a dimension of serious resistance within an otherwise timid and directionless movement, so as to convert the indecision and reluctance of the masses into direct action! 

The State, the cops and local politics study and anticipate constantly on the developments surrounding the protestactions against mass immigration. More often the cops fall back on repression as preventive measures to avoid civil disobedience. It is important to respond to this and to always be one step ahead.    

Therefore it is absolutely necessary that we keep on improving our tactics and capacities. This is a constant process of selfreflection. Plan your actions well and work out specific goals. After each and every action gather, to see what has been accomplished in regard to these goals and seek for improvements. Learn from your mistakes and be creative!   

The more effective our movements will become, the more repression from the State we can expect. Be discrete with information, the cops might always be listening and work on a 'need-to-know' basis within your group. Mix your unobtrusively and anonymously in the protests. All information that leaks out in regard to our activities, is a step ahead for our enemies!  

At this moment the asylum debate is dominated by reactionary rightwing forces, who try to canalize the popular anger into a direction which is desirable for the system. Reactionary parties and movements - like the PVV and Pegida - have made the islamophobic NATO retorics of the 'War on terror' their own and embraced zionism. They don't want to overthrow the system, they want to perpetuate it!

Their reactionary agenda is opposed to that of ours. Co-operation with them is therefore no option and we can not tolerate these reactionaries in our own ranks. We need to refute their lies through persistent work on the streets, in the neighborhoods and communities. From here on we have to neutralize the zionist poison and anchor ourselves in the masses as the only revolutionary alternative for this thoroughly rotten system!

Against State and Capital! - Forward to the National and Socialist Revolution!


As a consequense of the massive flows of refugees who come from the Middle East and Africa, the EU expects millions of new immigrants for the coming years . This mass immigration and the alienation of the European nations and its cultural areas, serve the ruling class on several levels.  

In first instance the employment potential of the Third World is delivered straight at the front door of the big capitalist corporations. The wagecosts for the capitalists will be decreased because of a saturation of the labourmarket and this way the workers are forced to work for a pittance. Therefore it does not suprise us that employers-organisations across Europe are currently calling in unison that foreigners must be put to work as soon as possible. However, after years of economic crisis with mass unemployment as its consequence, this will only deteriorate the ethnic relations. 

On the long term this mass immigration serves another goal for the ruling class. The massive influx of huge groups of foreigners, will lead to an insuperable cultural, social and urban disintegration, that will break open the achievements of the bourgeois democracy. By means of the current asylum policy the ruling class makes the European peoples and cultures cooperate in their own destruction.


Throughout Europe we can see an increasing resistance from the basis against mass immigration as a result of this. The opressed masses - the big losers of globalisation - are evermore resisting against the arrival of hordes of aliens who steal 'their' jobs and social security. Reactionary demagogues like Geert Wilders are fanning the fire for their own electoral gain, however their national chauvinism does not provide a solution. They only combat the symptoms, but refuse to denominate the cause - namely capitalism.    

We cannot blame foreigners for trying to find a better live elsewhere, they too are disappointed. They only serve as scapegoats to conceal the problems the capitalist class has created. In their search for the Golden Calf, they have become willing instruments for the ruling class. The welfare of the indigenous people, nor that of foreigners from far places, are of no concern to the internationally organized capital. Their social needs are just instrumentalized by the capitalists, in order to enrich themselves over the backs of the working masses.  

However, the 'anti-refugee resistance' represents much more than a reactionary chauvinism or an expression of 'xenophobia'. It is the expression of a more general discontent about the capitalist system and its symptoms (of which mass immigration is one). It represents a great deal of the justified worries that live amongst vast parts of the population. More important, this anger and discontent is not only aimed at these foreigners, but also against the authorities, the State apparatus and its armed extension (the cops). 


These ever further increasing tensions within society as a result of a radicalizing resistance against the policy of the ruling class, does have a revolutionary potential. A popular uprising against the capitalist system can destabilize and weaken this system. However, our support for this tendency does not come without critizism. Our tasks is to resist all reactionary elements within this tendency to create an awareness amongst our fellow countrymen. The foreigner is not our enemy, the capitalist system is! 

A revolutionary consciousness rarely occurs spontaneously. Even popular movements with an initial reactionary nature may constitute a first step towards a revolutionary political organization. We can try to proclaim the revolutionary truth from our ivory towers, but let us rather go onto the streets and move amongst the masses. Our task as revolutionaries is to consciously participate in these processes and to therefore lift it on both a political as well as an organizational level.   

We do not have the illusion that this movement can be entirely undone of its reactionary elements, but firmly believe that these events may contribute to a political upheaval that offers us revolutionary perspectives. Here lies an important task for us: The building of a revolutionary organization and the development of revolutionary cadres within this popular resistance.






woensdag 4 mei 2016

Stop TTIP? Yes, we could have...




How a potential day of action ended in nothing

On Saturday the 23rd of April over 50.000 activists gathered in all enthousiasm in a united mass demonstration to give a strong signal against the meeting of President Obama and Chancellor Merkel to promote the talks about the TTIP-Treaty. The ACN/AKN called earlier this week to join this day of action, to give a militant signal against this Treaty. Therefore a delegation travelled to Hannover.     


At the Opernplatz - the startpoint of the demonstration - the massive scale of the organisation rose directly to our attention. On a big stage, with project screens to follow the speakers live from further away, a good soundsystem and all kind of infostands from all kind of political parties and organisations. Next to the parliamentary parties such as Die Linke, SPD, Bündnis 90/Die Grünen, there were also many activists from parties and organisations, such as the reformist workerparties DKP, the MLPD and its youth movement REBELL, the Arbeiterbund für den wiederafbau der KPD, the SADJ and the Turkish DIDF, the pascifist anarchistische Graswurzelrevolution, Ökologische Linke and many more present, who eagerly distributed their papers, pamflets and other propaganda material to the many thousands of demonstratorsd that kept coming. Next to these activists there were also many bourgeois activists from ATTAC, anti-nuclear energy and other enviromental organisations like Greenpeace and anti-fracking organisations aswell as anti-drone and sigital provacy activists. Also teh Unionjs were present like Ver.Di and the IG Bauen-Agrar-Umwelt/Bergbau-Chemie-Energie/Metall.

Ofcourse we can give a long report on all the banners and protestsigns that were carries, or giva a substenciated critizism on the speeches of the many (petit-bourgeois) speakers and talk about the demonstration route, but this was not why the ACN/AKN participated this day.

Despite the huge numbers of protestors and their messages not a single real blow was made towards Obama, Merkel and their TTIP plans. Expected militant actions - like with Blockupy in 2015 - did not take place. How is this possible? Maybe because the demonstration was held one day in advance of the meeting between Obama and Merkel, which held militants away to give them a message (both were in london and Turkey this day and thus would not directly be confronted with militant resistance)? On sunday a smaller demonstration was organized in the city, but this would not top the attendance of saturday. But a Black Block is useless if it is not supprted by the masses (like the 50.000 on a saturday). Was this all a set up? The cops seemed perfectly happy this saturday and did not seem to expect any serious threat what so ever. This protest - not matter how good and important its theme was - could not beat dent in a pack of butter, even if there were 2 million people present.

Next this msised chance from the militant 'left' to make its statement today, the absence of 'rightist'militants also a sad given. Why national-revolutionary activists did nothing with this day of action against TTIP beats us. Such a Free Trade Treaty - which breaks down social rights and the enviroment on a huge scale - seems to be a perfect theme to agitate against - especially a Trade Treaty with America. Sadly the nationalist scene remained stuck this day in very sectarian commemorations, instead of using these protests (thus among the masses) to break free from the political ghetto. Even with a separate day of action within own movement nothing was done.  

Hopefully better chances occur in the near future against the TTIP, where militants from both the 'left' and 'right' of the political spectre can make combatant use of.

- Some anticapitalist / anti-TTIP demonstrators

Left: Greenpeace activists give a clear signal against Obama, Merkel and their TTIP-Treaty on the Union building of the DGB. Right: Does TTIP really bring hope? The propaganda of the metal lobby looks like it can only exist with the help of the police State. 

Left: Still a relevant slogan >> Who have betrayed us? The socialdemocrats! <<< CDU/CSU, SPD! >>> Right: International solidarity was not an empty word here.